Newsday covers the Census Bureau’s decision to return the name “Uniondale” to East Garden City in central Nassau County. This is a victory for community activists seeking to correct a wrong brought on by commercial developers who wanted a “better” sounding name to attract business.
Monthly Archives: May 2015
Can Senator Bernie Sanders overcome New York’s Wilson-Pakula law to enter the New York primary? Bill Mahoney takes a look in Capital New York.
Capitol Confidential reports at 11:00 AM., Sen. Daniel Squadron, Common Cause/NY, Assemblymembers Brian Kavanagh and Jo Anne Simon, Citizen Action of New York, Citizens Union, League of Women Voters, MoveOn Albany, NYPIRG, elected officials and advocates urge the Senate to vote on Squadron’s bill to close the LLC loophole, 3rd Floor, state Capitol, Senate side, Albany
Newsday reports that “A state Supreme Court judge has rejected former Brookhaven Town Board member Steve Fiore-Rosenfeld’s lawsuit to force the town to pay his legal costs in a suit brought by a former aide.”
Attorney General Eric Schneiderman will introduce a package of ethics measures that range from lower caps on campaign contributions, lobbying restrictions and creates a full-time Legislature blocked from earning outside income.
The proposals are outlined in an Albany Times Union oped.
The End New York Corruption Now Act —” dramatically lowers contribution limits, sharply restricts contributions by lobbyists, closes donation loopholes so big you can drive a Mack truck through them, and provides matching funds for small contributions to offset the power of mega-donors.”
The U.S. Supreme Court agreed to hear an appeal from a three judge court in Evenwel v. Abbott, a one-person, one vote case involving the counting of non-citizens in the creation of electoral districts. Rick Hasen provides an excellent overview of the case at his electionlawblog.com
This case could have implications in New York. Depending on how the Court considers and decides this case, New York’s 2010 prisoner reallocation law could be at risk. That law required the removal of state prisoners from prison addresses and reallocated them, whenever possible, to their home census block address prior to incarceration.
Evenwel won’t be heard until sometime later this year (or early next year) and there is no immediate impact. Nationally, anything can happen.
There isn’t much time left in this year’s regular state legislative session, but we want to share the State Board’s legislative priorities for this year. Of particular interest are proposals to eliminate the party logo on the ballot (to make room for more information, helping ballot design), exempting election workers from jury duty and eliminating candidate addresses from certain election materials for security purposes.
The memo can be accessed here:
The Times Herald-Record reports that a “state appeals court on Thursday overturned a 2013 Sullivan County Supreme Court decision and ruled that the votes of 29 second-home owners in the western Sullivan hamlet of Lake Huntington should have been allowed.” A local town supervisor challenged the votes of Summer residents, arguing that they really resided in New York City. While the State Supreme Court agreed, an appeals court didn’t.
This case will likely have implications where Summer residents use their local residences for voting purposes and get more involved with local issues, especially where zoning and housing come into play.
A cop of the decision can be found here (with thanks to Commissioner Doug Kellner):
Earlier today, I posted a column on New York’s rotten borough legislative districts by our colleague Dr. Benjamin. Attorney Jerry Goldfeder posted a thoughtful comment. Following that, Steven Romalewski, director of the mapping service at the CUNY Graduate Center for Urban Research, added a 2012 New York Times article, to further look at the gap that exists between those who live in some neighborhoods and those there who may vote. Clyde Haberman’s informative 2012 column can be found here.
As the U.S. Supreme Court considers whether to hear Evenwel et al v. Abbott et al, (Case 14-940) we want to share thoughts on district populations and voting in New York with readers. Evenwel addresses whether a three-judge district court correctly held that the “one-person, one-vote” principle under the Equal Protection Clause allows States to use total population, and does not require States to use voter population, when apportioning state legislative districts. Our colleague Professor Gerry Benjamin provided NY Election News with a column he published last year focused on giving Assembly districts with fewer actual voters far more representation in the Assembly than places with far more actual voters.
New York’s Rotten Boroughs, and Fixing Them
by Gerald Benjamin*
What would you say if I told you that in voters in some assembly districts downstate had four times the representation as those in one upstate district? Let me predict. “No. Not possible even in the gerrymandered New York State legislature. It’s against the constitution.”
Yet here are the actual numbers of votes cast for five assembly seats for 2012, with their locations and the names and political parties of those who won election in them:
AD 49 (Brooklyn) – Peter Abbate (D) 13,537
AD 39 – (Brooklyn) – William Colton (D) 14663
AD 47 – (Queens) Francisco Moya (D) 19,312
AD40 – (Queens) Ron Kim (D) 19870
Four AD Total – 67,382
AD – 135 (Monroe) Mark Johns (R) 68,267
For centuries in British politics, rotten boroughs were de-populated districts that sent representatives to parliament, leading to unfair representation. Modern rotten boroughs in New York are places with fewer actual voters that send representatives to the State Assembly, leading to unfair representation. Assembly districts 39, 40, 47 and 49, some of New York’s modern rotten boroughs, all are on Brooklyn and Queens. Assembly District 135 is in western New York, in suburban Rochester; voters there have one quarter the representation of those in these four downstate districts.
Of course, legislative districts are designed to have more-or-less equal voting age populations to meet federal constitutional requirements. But downstate rotten boroughs consistently have far few actual voters. Thus the ironic effect of one-person-one-vote – decided by the U.S. Supreme Court a half century ago to undo entrenched biases in representation against more heavily populated areas – is to give places with fewer actual voters far more representation in the Assembly than place with far more actual voters.
This is no anomaly. In 2010, with the gubernatorial election at the top of the ticket, the number of voters in the election for one upstate Assembly seat exceeded the total for five seats in the city. The ratios are different in bigger Senate districts, but the pattern is the same: over representation of New York City voters when compared to those upstate.
New York State is widely regarding as having a voter turnout problem; our state ranked 44th in the nation in voting participation in the 2012 presidential election. But our research shows that voter non- participation in New York is mostly an urban problem; the more populous the county, the lower the turnout. One reason for low rotten borough turnout is that lots more people in New York City than upstate are not citizens or otherwise ineligible to vote. Yet even accounting for the lower numbers of those eligible, downstate urban turnout is far lower than rural and suburban turnout upstate.
Not incidentally, downstate rotten boroughs are also not competitive. William Colton had no opponent at all; Peter Abate faced no Republican, and got 95% of the vote. Francisco Moya ad Ron Kim won by margins of 49 and 36 percentage points, respectively. In contrast, Republican Mark Johns, facing former Democrat incumbent David Koon in a rematch in 2012, again won by a vote of 51% to 49%.
Politicians in competitive districts are motivated to bring voters out. Not so in non-competitive districts, where it is entirely comfortable to leave well enough alone.
Downstaters hold sway in statewide politics in New York, either Democrats based in New York City or Republicans with appeal in suburban counties. The last person elected governor from north and west of Albany was Nathan Miller in 1920, almost a century ago. Legislative rotten boroughs reinforce this downstate dominance.
Federal courts have found to be constitutional voting systems for local governments that emphasize representation of citizens who actually vote. For example, the cumulative voting method now used in Port Chester produces a village board that reflects the demographic, geographic, partisan and ideological diversity of the community. It allows each voter the number of votes equal to the number of positions to be filled; he or she can use all of these on one candidate, or distribute them among the candidates.
It is unlikely that we will elect ever our state assembly without using single member districts. And if we use districts, using population to design them is entrenched. But maybe after members are elected, each one should have his or her vote in the Assembly itself weighted based on the actual vote cast in the Assembly district. That way, those with higher vote totals in their district would have added influence in state decision making, while members elected from rotten boroughs would have some incentive to encourage more potential voters in their districts to actually vote – to protect or enhance their own power in the body. #
- Gerald Benjamin is Distinguished Professor of Political Science and Director of the Center for Research Regional Engagement and Outreach at SUNY New Paltz. Research assistance for this essay was provided by Terence Gagstetter, CRREO Intern, SUNY New Paltz